قبل الانتخابات الأميركية قرأنا وسمعنا الكثير عن علاقات دونالد ترمب المفترضة مع الروس. ولكن ما نقرأه ونسمعه بعد الانتخابات هو شيء مختلف.
في البداية قرأنا هذه القصة التي تتعلق بمكالمة هاتفية بين ترمب وأردوغان. ترمب في المكالمة “وصّى” أردوغان برجل أعمال تركي هو شريك لترمب.
تخيلوا أن الرئيس الأميركي يطلب من أردوغان أن يتوصى برجل أعمال تركي تربطه شراكة أعمال مع ترمب!
In his call with the Turkish leader, Trump passed on praise for Erdogan from Mehmet Ali Yalcindag, son-in-law of Dogan Holding owner Aydin Dogan and former president of the Dogan Media Group. His wife, Arzuhan Dogan Yalcindage, sits on the board of Dogan Holding. He’s friends with the Trump family and had worked closely on the Trump Towers project in Istanbul. On election night, he attended Trump’s shocking victory celebration at the New York Hilton in Midtown Manhattan.
هناك برجان لترمب في إسطنبول على غرار أبراجه في أميركا. أردوغان طالب قبل أشهر بنزع اسم ترمب من على هذه الأبراج. الشركة المالكة لهذه الأبراج تملك أيضا وسائل إعلام منها قناة CNN Turk. علاقات أردوغان مع هذه الشركة كانت سيئة (كما هي علاقته مع كل وسائل الإعلام). في عام 2009 هو فرض عليها غرامة ضخمة تبلغ مليارين ونصف مليار دولار. في النهاية الشركة انصاعت لأردوغان وصارت تداهنه في تغطيتها الإعلامية.
اليوم رأيت أيضا هذا الخبر الذي يتحدث عن زيارة لابن ترمب إريك إلى تركيا. هو كان في أنطاليا يصيد الغزلان وغادر بالأمس إلى ألمانيا. إذن أردوغان أطلق موقفه الشهير ضد ذيل الكلب بينما كان ابن دونالد ترمب موجودا في تركيا.
ما أراه الآن يوحي لي بأن ترمب له مصالح وروابط مع تركيا، ولكنني لم أر أمورا مماثلة تتعلق بروسيا، بخلاف ما سمعناه قبل الانتخابات.
ما الذي سيفعله ترمب أصلا في بلد محاصر اقتصاديا كروسيا؟ ترمب هو رجل أعمال أميركي. لا أدري ما الذي يهم رجل أعمال أميركي في الاقتصاد الروسي في هذا الوقت.
رأي واحد حول “علاقات ترمب مع تركيا تبدو أقوى من علاقاته مع روسيا”
PENTAGON COMMANDOS FIGHTING VS. CIA DAESH TERRORISTS IN SYRIA
It’s not a Hollywood movie. It’s still happening right now.
In what could be the most defining moment of the US government foreign policy, or more accurately, sheer stupidity, the Pentagon armed commandos operating with their allies in Syria are now shooting CIA trained and funded terrorists, and for what purpose?
The way we see it, the whole Zbigniew Brzezinski Grand Chessboard is not going well. Thanks to the timely and decisive military intervention of the Russian-led coalition in Syria, the grand march towards Iran has been deterred for good.
Syrian militias armed by different parts of the U.S. war machine have begun to fight each other on the plains between the besieged city of Aleppo and the Turkish border, highlighting how little control U.S. intelligence officers and military planners have over the groups they have financed and trained in the bitter 5-year-old civil war.
The fighting has intensified over the past two months, as CIA-armed units and Pentagon-armed ones have repeatedly shot at each other as they have maneuvered through contested territory on the northern outskirts of Aleppo, U.S. officials and rebel leaders have confirmed.
In mid-February, a CIA-armed militia called Fursan al Haq, or Knights of Righteousness, was run out of the town of Marea, about 20 miles north of Aleppo, by Pentagon-backed Syrian Democratic Forces moving in from Kurdish-controlled areas to the east.
“Any faction that attacks us, regardless from where it gets its support, we will fight it,” said Maj. Fares Bayoush, a leader of Fursan al Haq.
Rebel fighters described similar clashes in the town of Azaz, a key transit point for fighters and supplies between Aleppo and the Turkish border, and March 3 in the Aleppo neighborhood of Sheikh Maqsud.
The attacks come amid continued heavy fighting in Syria and illustrate the difficulty facing U.S. efforts to coordinate among dozens of armed groups that are trying to overthrow the government of President Bashar Assad, fight the Islamic Statemilitant group and battle one another all at the same time.
“It is an enormous challenge,” said Rep. Adam Schiff of California, the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, who described the clashes between U.S.-supported groups as “a fairly new phenomenon.”
“It is part of the three-dimensional chess that is the Syrian battlefield,” he said.
The area in northern Syria around Aleppo, the country’s second-largest city, features not only a war between the Assad government and its opponents, but also periodic battles against Islamic State militants, who control much of eastern Syria and also some territory to the northwest of the city, and long-standing tensions among the ethnic groups that inhabit the area, Arabs, Kurds and Turkmen.
Once they cross the border into Syria, you lose a substantial amount of control or ability to control their actions. — Jeffrey White, former Defense Intelligence Agency official
“This is a complicated, multisided war where our options are severely limited,” said a U.S. official, who wasn’t authorized to speak publicly on the matter. “We know we need a partner on the ground. We can’t defeat ISIL without that part of the equation, so we keep trying to forge those relationships.” ISIL is an acronym for the Islamic State.
President Barack Obama recently authorized a new Pentagon plan to train and arm Syrian rebel fighters, relaunching a program that was suspended in the fall after a string of embarrassing setbacks, which included recruits being ambushed and handing over much of their U.S.-issued ammunition and trucks to an al-Qaida affiliate.
Amid the setbacks, the Pentagon late last year deployed about 50 special operations forces to Kurdish-held areas in northeastern Syria to better coordinate with local militias and help ensure U.S.-backed rebel groups aren’t fighting one another.
But such skirmishes have become routine.
Last year, the Pentagon helped create a new military coalition, the Syrian Democratic Forces. The goal was to arm the group and prepare it to take territory away from Islamic State in eastern Syria and to provide information for U.S. airstrikes.
The group is dominated by Kurdish outfits known as the People’s Protection Units, or YPG. A few Arab units have joined the force in order to prevent it from looking like an invading Kurdish army, and it has received airdrops of weapons and supplies and assistance from U.S. Special Forces.
Gen. Joseph Votel, now commander of U.S. Special Operations Command and the incoming head of Central Command, said this month that about 80 percent of the fighters in the Syrian Democratic Forces were Kurdish.
The U.S. backing for a heavily Kurdish armed force has been a point of tension with the Turkish government, which has a long history of crushing Kurdish rebellions and doesn’t want to see Kurdish units control more of its southern border.
The CIA, meanwhile, has its own operations center inside Turkey from which it has been directing aid to rebel groups in Syria, providing them with TOW antitank missiles from Saudi Arabian weapons stockpiles.
While the Pentagon’s actions are part of an overt effort by the U.S. and its allies against the Islamic State, the CIA’s backing of militias is part of a separate covert U.S. effort aimed at keeping pressure on the Assad government in hopes of prodding the Syrian leader to the negotiating table.
At first, the two different sets of fighters were primarily operating in widely separated areas of Syria — the Pentagon-backed Syrian Democratic Forces in the northeastern part of the country and the CIA-backed groups further west.
But, over the past several months, Russian airstrikes against anti-Assad fighters in northwestern Syria have weakened them.
That created an opening that allowed the Kurdish-led groups to expand their zone of control to the outskirts of Aleppo, bringing them into more frequent conflict with the CIA-backed outfits.
We’ll fight all who aim to divide Syria or harm its people. — Suqour Al-Jabal Brigade fighter
“Fighting over territory in Aleppo demonstrates how difficult it is for the U.S. to manage these really localized and, in some cases, entrenched conflicts,” said Nicholas Heras, an expert on the Syrian civil war at the Center for a New American Security, a think tank in Washington. “Preventing clashes is one of the constant topics in the joint operations room with Turkey.”
Over the course of the Syrian civil war, the town of Marea has been on the front line of the Islamic State’s attempts to advance across Aleppo province toward the rest of northern Syria.
On Feb. 18, the Syrian Democratic Forces attacked the town.
A fighter with the Suqour Al-Jabal Brigade, a group with links to the CIA, said intelligence officers of the U.S.-led coalition fighting the Islamic State know their group has clashed with the Pentagon-trained militias.
“The MOM knows we fight them,” he said, referring to the joint operations center in southern Turkey, which is known as MOM from the acronym of its name in Turkish, Musterek Operasyon Merkezi.
“We’ll fight all who aim to divide Syria or harm its people,” said the fighter, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
Marea is home to many of the original Islamist fighters who took up arms against Assad during the Arab Spring in 2011. It has long been a critical way station for supplies and fighters coming from Turkey into Aleppo.
“Attempts by Syrian Democratic Forces to take Marea was a great betrayal and was viewed as a further example of a Kurdish conspiracy to force them from Arab and Turkmen lands,” Heras said.
The clashes brought the U.S. and Turkish officials to “loggerheads,” he added.
After diplomatic pressure from the U.S., the militia withdrew to the outskirts of the town as a sign of good faith, he said.
But continued fighting among different U.S.-backed groups may be inevitable, experts on the region said.
“Once they cross the border into Syria, you lose a substantial amount of control or ability to control their actions,” said Jeffrey White, a former Defense Intelligence Agency official. “You certainly have the potential for it becoming a larger problem as people fight for territory and control of the northern border area in Aleppo.”
W.J. Hennigan and Brian Bennett reported from Washington and special correspondent Nabih Bulos from Amman.
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